Bolshevism: The Enemy of Political and Industrial Democracy

B olshevism: The Enemy of Political and Industrial Democracy" by John Spargo is a historical account written in the early 20th century. The work seeks to provide readers with a comprehensive understanding of Bolshevism and its implications for democracy in both political and industrial spheres, focusing primarily on Russia's revolutionary movements. Spargo approaches this topic from a critical perspective, aiming to outline the philosophy, programs, and actions of the Bolsheviki while contrasting them against the principles of democracy. The opening of the book introduces John Spargo's intent to present a fair and balanced examination of Bolshevism, distancing himself from sensationalism and aiming for a scientific analysis. He discusses the historical background that has led to the rise of revolutionary movements in Russia, mentioning key figures like the Decembrists and social reformers. Spargo emphasizes the failures of Russia's autocracy and the plight of the working class, setting the stage for a deeper exploration of the violent and tumultuous revolutionary actions that follow, outlining early influences on the philosophical underpinnings of Bolshevism. The text reflects a critical examination of the romanticized and sensational narratives that have often surrounded this pivotal moment in history, indicating that Spargo's work aspires to deliver a reliable narrative rooted in facts and his-torical context.I For almost a full century Russia has been the theater of a great revolutionary movement. In the light of Russian history we read with cynical amusement that in 1848, when all Europe was in a revolutionary ferment, a German economist confidently predicted that revolutionary agitation could not live in the peculiar soil of Russian civilization. August Franz von Haxthausen was in many respects a competent and even a profound student of Russian politics, but he was wrong in his belief that the amount of rural communism existing in Russia, particularly the mir, would make it impossible for storms of revolutionary agitation to arise and stir the national life. As a matter of historical fact, the ferment of revolution had appeared in the land of the Czars long before the German economist made his remarkably ill-judged forecast. At the end of the Napoleonic wars many young officers of the Russian army returned to their native land full of revolutionary ideas and ideals acquired in France, Italy, and Germany, and intent upon action. At first their intention was simply to make an appeal to Alexander I to